UNO STUDIO CONCLUDE CHE LA DISUGUAGLIANZA ECONOMICA FAVORISCE

L’AUMENTO DEI DISTURBI MENTALI

Nazioni con alti livelli di diseguaglianza come Stati Uniti e Regno Unito hanno una proporzione maggiore di malati mentali che Nigeria, Norvegia o Paesi Bassi.

La stretta relazione esistente tra povertà e salute mentale è evidente.
Le persone più povere si ammalano di più e muoiono prima di quelle ricche, un fatto che è stato studiato negli ultimi decenni dalla comunità scientifica internazionale a partire da diverse variabili e da distinti punti di  vista.
Uno di questi è la correlazione tra disuguaglianza economica e disturbo mentale, un oggetto di ricerca che ha dato risultati molto significativi negli ultimi anni. Studi recenti mettono in evidenza che paesi sviluppati con alti livelli di disuguaglianza, come Stati Uniti e Regno unito, hanno una proporzione maggiore di persone con problemi mentali che paesi come Norvegia, Danimarca o Norvegia.
Il dottore in Psicologia Fernando Pérez del Rio, professionista presso Proyecto Hombre Burgos, ha pubblicato un articolo nell’ultimo numero della rivista Nortede Salud Mental nel quale passa in rassegna tutti i lavori pubblicati sulla disuguaglianza e salute mentale nell’ultimo decennio.
Come spiega, si tratta di ricerche realizzate principalmente in paesi anglosassoni nelle quali si analizzano le stesse variabili.

“Ho individuato 20 studi, nessuno dei quali in castigliano, e due variabili che sono importanti.
La prima è che una maggiore disuguaglianza tra ricchi e poveri aumenta la percentuale di malattia mentale. La coesione sociale si rompe e la disuguaglianza genera molta tensione.

La seconda variabile si relaziona con i valori che possiede questa società, giacche non è lo stesso essere poveri in un paese povero che esserlo in un paese ricco. E’ molto più problematico e patogeno essere povero in un paese ricco”, spiega.

In relazione alla prima delle due variabili, lo studio conclude che il grado interno di uguaglianza o disuguaglianza economica che presenta un paese condiziona direttamente la salute mentale dei propri cittadini. Per questo Stati Uniti o Regno Unito presentano più problemi di salute mentale che Svezia, Finlandia o i Paesi Bassi, per esempio, paesi con bassi livelli di disuguaglianza.
“La disuguaglianza economica favorisce l’aumento dei disturbi mentali e contribuisce a creare una società ansiogena, stressata e fragile. Non dimentichiamo che il disturbo mentale è anche una costruzione sociale” precisa il ricercatore.
Riguardo alla seconda delle variabili, quella associata con i valori della società, “è dimostrato che essere poveri e vivere in una zona ricca può risultare più dannoso per la salute che essere ancora più poveri ma vivere in una zona di estrema miseria.”
Ciò ha a che vedere, aggiunge, con la visione della povertà ed il fallimento in ognuna di queste società.
“Quando si disprezza questa situazione, le persone povere si vergognano e tendono a isolarsi dagli altri ed allontanarsi dalla comunità, visto che il fallimento si tende a nascondere, tanto più se questo è associato allo stigma del dover dipendere da qualcun altro o dell’essere un parassita sociale”
Per questa ragione, “quanto meno si disprezza la povertà o il fallimento più sana è una società”

Sulla stessa falsariga Pérez del Río conclude che i paesi più comunitari e con meno differenze economiche tra i propri abitanti, quelli che danno più importanza al gruppo e godono di maggiore mobilità sociale (intesa come movimenti individuali o gruppali che si producono nel sistema di classi) “sono alla fine i paesi più sani”

Prospettiva comunitaria delle malattie mentali

Secondo l’opinione del ricercatore, l’approccio a questa situazione passa per la promozione di politiche comunitarie che mettano in primo piano la coesione e l’uguaglianza. “Dobbiamo dare importanza agli aspetti sociali più educativi  che terapeutici, ai trattamenti integrali e non parcellizzati, all’appoggio gruppale e familiare, ai gruppi di mutuo-aiuto e alla collaborazione dei volontari nelle strutture assistenziali. In definitiva, aggiunge l’autore, questi lavori “invitano a mettere in pratica un approccio comunitario ai disturbi mentali contrapposto a modelli individualisti e deterministi”

In quanto ai prossimi passi da compiere lungo questa traiettoria di ricerca, Pérez del Rio considera che si dovrebbe investigare  il tipo di disturbi mentali associati alla disuguaglianza economica. Per questa ragione è interessato ad approfondire la relazione tra disuguaglianza e consumo di droga. L’ipotesi di partenza è  che a maggior disuguaglianza sociale corrisponda maggior consumo di droghe, tesi alla quale puntano i pochi studi realizzati sul tema.

 Traduzione Sergio Pepe.

 De la web Cristina G. Pedraz/DICYT

http://www.dicyt.com/noticias/un-estudio-concluye-que-la-desigualdad-economica-favorece-el-aumento-de-trastornos-mentales?handle=un-estudio-concluye-que-la-desigualdad-economica-favorece-el-aumento-de-trastornos-mentales&newsId

#Psicólogos #Burgos

CURSO: TÉCNICAS DE NEGOCIACIÓN

 

 

Fechas: Viernes, 17 y 24 de octubre de 2014.

Horario: 18 a 20:30 h.

Cuota: 30€ (Ordinario) // 15€ (Especial)

Imparte: Fernando Pérez del Río

Lugar: Foro solidario. Burgos.  

 

 

                      Para más información: Www.burgospsicologia.es 

 Taller: Cómo motivar

                                              Lugar Foro Solidario de Burgos

https://www.forosolidariocajadeburgos.com/ficha_Evento.cfm?id=3F4D941C-1676-E17B-1A91B243F04FF5FF&ids=861C0455-1676-E17B-1AFEEE0128E83392&idEv=B6FCEA98-FEAE-3315-63DDABAEDFDF95D0


       

Tardes, de 18:00 a 20:30 horas.

Plazas disponibles

12 de 15

Precio

El curso tiene un coste de 45€, de los que el alumnado paga 30€. Personas de Entidades Colaboradoras y en desempleo que lo acrediten abonan 15€.

Destinatarios

Profesionales, estudiantes, voluntariado y personas interesadas en el tema.

Objetivos

- Potenciar el desarrollo de diferentes competencias relacionadas con la motivación.
- Se trabajarán tanto habilidades personales como interpersonales.
- Familiarizarse con el lenguaje.
- Comprender los principios de la motivación.
- Realizar prácticas (rol playin)
- Análisis de videos relacionados con la motivación.

Profesionales

Fernando Pérez del Río.

                                

Descripción

La palabra motivación deriva del latín "motivus" o "motus", que significa «causa del movimiento». La motivación puede definirse como el señalamiento o énfasis que se descubre en una persona hacia un determinado medio de satisfacer una necesidad, creando o aumentando con ello el impulso necesario para que ponga en obra ese medio o esa acción, o bien para que deje de hacerlo.
En este taller nos detendremos en algunos principio simples de la motivación, y en cómo motivar a personas desmotivadas.

Congreso Nacional de Estudiantes CEP-PIE: Programa

Congreso Nacional de Estudiantes CEP-PIE: Programa:

16:00 – 21:00 – Taller: El proceso terapéutico en las drogodependencias. Fernando Pérez del Río (psicólogo en el tratamiento de drogodependencias y profesor de la UBU)

      En este curso se abordarán los principios de la terapia poniendo especial atención a tres elementos básicos como son el vínculo terapéutico, la creación de hipótesis en terapia y el trabajo por objetivos o metas. Todo ello sin seguir modelos concretos sino mostrando y formulando ejemplos de pacientes y formulación de casos.

SEXUAL ABUSE IN CHILDHOOD AND ADULT DRUG ADDICTION

Más información en www.burgospsicologia.es


Fernando Perez del Río¹ and Manuel Mestre Guardiola^{2 1}Proyecto Hombre. Burgos. Pychologist. Gestalt Therapist. Specialist in Sexuality. Castellón.

This article reviews several studies on the relationship between having been sexually abused in childhood (CSA) and adult drug addiction. In this approach to the subject, seventeen studies and three books that relate the two variables are discussed. It is concluded that there is proof of higher incidence of sexual abuse during childhood among women with addiction problems, and the importance of approaching sexuality and affectiveness in the evaluation of treatment of drug addiction patients is stressed.

Keywords: Sexual abuse in childhood, sexuality, drugaddiction

Correspondence: Fernando Pérez del Río.  09007 Burgos. Spain. E-mail: ferpdelrio@mixmail.com

Recent studies done under the Hombre Burgos Project (Pérez, Lara and González, 2010) have shown a significant positive correlation between drug use and having been sexually abused by an adult during childhood or adolescence in women who have been in treatment for psychoactive substance abuse in a Therapeutic Community, a significantly positive correlation between drug use and having been sexually abused by an adult in childhood or adolescence.

The same year and in the same Autonomous Region of Castile and Leon, Redondo and Santos (2010) published an extensive study in which they gave the following percentages: 30% of the women under outpatient or inpatient treatment for addiction problems had been physically abused, 44.9% psychologically abused and 18.4% sexually abused.

The relationship between having experienced childhood sexual abuse (CSA) and drug addiction as an adult is a subject which has hardly been approached in drug addiction. This article offers an approach to this question.

DEFINITION OF VARIABLES

Sexual abuse of minors may be defined as activity directed at providing sexual pleasure, stimulation or gratification in an adult who uses a child for it by taking advantage of his superiority. It is likewise considered sexual abuse when circumstances are asymmetric: a) age between victim and aggressor, b) power, when the abuser has some type of authority over the victim, c) knowledge or skill, when the abuser employs his astuteness and ability to manipulate, and d) gratification, when the child is subtly pressured (gifts, trips, etc.) to consent to the abuse (Sánchez-Meca, Alcázar and López, 2001).

In addition, drug addiction, or dependence, was defined in 1964 by the World Health Organization (WHO) as, “A state, psychic and sometimes also physical, resulting from the interaction between a living organism and a drug, characterized by behavioral and other responses that always include a compulsion to take the drug on a continuous or periodic basis in order to experience its psychic effects, and sometimes to avoid the discomfort of its absence.”

PREVALENCE OF CSA

In 1977, the Journal of Child Abuse and Neglect was begun as the channel of expression of the International Society for Prevention of Child Abuse and Neglect. Rigorous studies on the subject may be found from that decade on, and furthermore, the percentages of persons who have been sexually abused is observed to increase from the 1970’s to the 1990’s, when there is a slight decline.

In 1983, a study demonstrated that 30% of women reported having had a sexual aggression experience before they were 18 (Russell, 1983). Of epidemiological studies done in Spain, the study by López (1997), with a sample of 2000 people interviewed found a prevalence of sexual abuse in the general population of 19% (15% males and 23% females). The trend rose toward the nineties where it gradually began to fall, as confirmed in numerous publications (Jones and Fenkelhor, 2001, Almeida, Cohen, Subramanian and Molnar, 2008, McCarroll, Zizhong, Newby and Ursano, 2008, Miller and Rubin, 2009). This may have been due to a multitude of factors, such as the increase in social services, and although it cannot be clearly shown, several authors consider prevention another very important variable. Other factors could be the changes in social norms and practices, change in society’s attitude, and finally, that the occurrence of sexual abuse has become a fact that is reported and has consequences (Jones and Finkelhor, 2003, Finkelhor and Jones, 2004, Finkelhor and Jones, 2006). This decline not only occurred in the US, but also in other western countries such as Australia and Israel (Dunne, Purdie, Cook, Boyle and Najman, 2003).

A recent international meta-analysis done in 2009 shows that the victimization rate (percentage of people who report having been victims) varies from 7.4% in males to 19% in women (Pereda, Guilera, Forns and Gómez-Benito, 2009).

 

CONSEQUENCES OF CSA 

The review by Trickett and McBride-Chang (1995) on the consequences of sexual abuse showed the existence of a multitude of results, such as disruptive behavior, delinquency and stronger dissociative symptomology. It should also be mentioned that such consequences may be mid-to-long-term (López, 1994; Jumper, 1995; Paolucci, Genuis and Violato, 2001; Pereda, 2010).

The bibliography has related it to depression episodes (Wiss, Longhurst and Mazure, 1999). Other authors have found relationships between CSA and adult Posttraumatic Stress Syndrome (PSS) (Ozer, Best, Lipsey and Weiss, 2003; Marty and Carvajal, 2005), and borderline personality disorder (Jerez, 1997), and it has also been related to eating disorders, and more specifically, with bulimia (Behar, 2000). More recent studies have confirmed the presence of sexual affective problems, for example, living unsatisfactory and dysfunctional sexuality, sexual risk behaviors (e.g.., having sex without protection, a larger number of mates and higher presence of sexually transmitted diseases and risk of HIV (Pereda, 2010).

Connections have also been found between childhood sexual abuse and multiple personality disorder, or dissociative identity disorder, the term used by the DSM-IV. This disorder has even been understood as a defense mechanism for overcoming the pain or fear caused by repeated sexual abuse during childhood (Huertas, 2011). In the eighties, many scientific references established a relationship between childhood sexual abuse and multiple personality, but it is well known that correlation does not imply causality. That is, we cannot establish a causal relationship, and on the other hand, not take into account many other variables. It is not required for one thing to occur because the other has occurred (Wittgenstein, 1999).

Finally, Ibaceta (2007) showed that it is impossible to determine whether sexual aggression is a unique and specific etiological factor in the development of those pathologies in adults. Neither may it be established that the effects of sexual aggression lead to a single, homogeneous syndrome.

Bearing in mind these logical precautions, it may be said today that studies can be found showing a correlation between CSA and some type of substance dependence as an adult.

RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CSA AND DRUG ADDICTION

In this approach to the subject we found 17 studies in scientific journals published in the last 30 years that relate CSA to drug addiction as an adult. Most of the studies were taken from the journal Child Abuse & Neglect. Furthermore, three books were found in which the relationship between CSA and psychoactive substance dependence is discussed.

To begin with, it should be stressed that given the importance of the problem, they are not just isolated or marginal studies with no scientific status. We find some articles that clearly relate both variables (López, Carpintero, Hernández, Martín and Fuertes, 1995; Jarvis and Copeland 1997; Molnar, Buka and Kessler, 2001; Dunlap, Golub and Johnson, 2003; Owens and Chard, 2003; Swanston, Plunkett, O’Toole, Shrimpton, Parkinson and Oates, 2003; Sartor, Lynskey, Bucholz, McCutcheon, Nelson, Waldron, et al., 2007; Bentley and Widom, 2009).

In chronological order, in 1979, Finkelhor found that “19% of women and 9% of men revealed sexual aggression experiences which seem to have had prolonged harmful effects on their self-image and ability to maintain sexual relations.” In 1988, Briere and Runtz showed that people who had been sexually abused in childhood later had more problems with drugs compared to the population that had not been sexually abused (20.9% vs. 2.3%), and the relationship between alcohol and sexual abuse was somewhat similar (26.9% vs. 10.5).

We come across studies that maintain that the incidence of alcoholic women who have undergone incest is higher than in the general population (Hurley, 1991).

And according to Moreno, Prior and Monge (1998), studies with broad samples show that substance abuse and dependence rates, percentages of attempted suicide, and drug use rates are higher among women who were sexually abused in childhood. And as is usual, the more severe and frequent the abuse is, the more severe psychopathology is found.

López and del Campo (1999), like most of the authors, suggest that the effects of sexual abuse may be very different, depending on the type of aggression, age of the aggressor and of the victim, their relationship, duration of the aggression, frequency of aggression, personality of the child abused, reaction in the setting, etc. And, although these authors recognize that the long-term effects of sexual abuse are hard to study due to interference of other factors, they point out drug addiction as one of the best demonstrated consequences.

More recently, due to the optimization achieved in indicators measuring variables properly, several studies show that these percentages continue rising and reach considerably high figures. Thus we find that the review by the European Group IREFREA (2001) concludes that from 50% to 80% of women with addiction problems have been sexually abused in their childhood. Another meta-study states that the percentage of women diagnosed with substance dependence and who have been sexually abused varies on a curve from 23% to 74% (Meneses, 2002). Three years later, Rathus, Nevid and Fichner-Rathus (2005) in the sixth edition of their Manual of Human Sexuality, citing a study on adverse experiences in childhood by Edwards, Holden, Felitti and Anda (2003), wrote that children who are the subject of sexual abuse may suffer from a variety of short or long-term psychological problems, including drug abuse. The same year, Llopis (2005) stated that the incidence of sexual abuse and molestation among European addicts studied was 69%.

Finally, in Pérez and Martín (2007), although in this case, the book concentrated on nontoxic addictions (shopping, sex, gambling, etc.), they showed a clear relationship between addiction and sexual abuse, and emphasized the importance of approaching sexuality from the beginning of the treatment. More recently in Spain, as already mentioned at the beginning, we found studies such as the one by Pérez, Lara and González (2010), and Redondo and Santos (2010).

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS

The studies presented show the existence of a higher incidence of childhood sexual abuse among women with addiction problems than among women who do not have a problem. The conclusions these researchers arrive at and books reviewed confirm our hypothesis, which came out of the daily therapeutic practice and accumulation of evidence.

We know that psychoactive substances can fulfil a function: one of not feeling, not feeling despicable, not thinking, avoiding the problem, avoiding feared situations (Pérez, Martín, 2007), and definitely creating a “fictitious” situation through the relation with an object.

Given the correlation found between the two variables, we recommend that:

1.       Therapists and educators in drug addiction attention programs should receive proper formation in sexuality in general, and in particular, on approaching sexual abuse and aggression.

2.       The first evaluation of any new case must include sexuality and take it into account. We also know that although a person may have been sexually abused and this may be related to his history of substance abuse, the person may not initially reveal what occurred. Thus the program must habilitate spaces free of prejudice and favoring expression, where they can freely express traumas or emotional wounds.

3.       Programs must have resources and professionals close who have been trained in sexology and can refer a case when they deem it necessary.

4.       The studies presented found higher incidence of CSA among women than men. This fact must be kept in mind by programs. (Yes, it is true that psychological treatment in drug addiction has greatly improved since the eighties, but it was at the end of the nineties when gender-differentiated therapeutic-educational intervention developed).

5.       As in other studies, (López, Carpintero, Hernández, Martín and Fuertes, 1995; Putnam, 2003), we share the idea that education and prevention is fundamental for persons who have been abused.

Concerning therapy for CSA, and keeping in mind the fact that the aggressor is usually known to the victim, one of the tasks of the therapist who receives a person who has been sexually abused in childhood is to help construct a reliable pattern of relations, with him/her and with the world that surrounds him. This is an essential element of treatment.

The therapeutic alliance is a basic component in this case. Let us not forget that the quality of this alliance represents the majority of the variance in treatment results, and is up to seven times more influential in the change than the treatment model being applied (Wampold, 2001; Duncan, Miller and Sparks, 2004).

In conclusion, we would like to note that, in addition to taking into account what happened and individual characteristics, the social and family context surrounding the person must not be forgotten. The treatment must take on both the social reality and the closest setting in which the person lives (customs, beliefs, values, etc.), or else we run the risk of losing objectivity.

Along general lines, there are no therapeutic packages that can be successfully applied the same way, and treatment must be adapted to the person’s own reality.

REFERENCES

Almeida, J., Cohen, A. P., Subramanian, S. V. and Molnar, B. E. (2008). Are increased worker caseloads in state child protective service agencies a potential explanation for the decline in child sexual abuse? A multilevel analysis. Child Abuse and Neglect, 32(3), 367-375.

Behar, R. (2000). Trastornos de la alimentación [Eating disorders]. In E. Correa, and E. Jadresic, (Comp.), Psicopatología de la mujer [Woman’s Psychopathology]. Santiago: Ediciones de la Sociedad de Neurología, Psiquiatría y Neurocirugía de Chile.

Bentley, T. and Widom, C. S. (2009). A 30-year follow-up of the effects of child abuse and neglect on obesity in adulthood. Obesity, 17, 1900-1905.

Briere, J. and Runtz, M. (1988). Post sexual abuse trauma. In G. Wyatt and J. Powell (Eds.), Lasting effects of child sexual abuse (pp. 89-99). Newberry Park (CA): Sage.

Duncan, B., Miller, S. and Sparks, J. (2004). The Heroic Client. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.

Dunne, P., Purdie, M., Cook, D., Boyle , M. and Najman, M. (2003) Is child sexual abuse declining? Evidence from a population-based survey of men and women in Australia. Child Abuse and Neglect, 27, 141-152.

Dunlap, E., Golub, A. and Johnson, B. D. (2003). Girls’ sexual development in the inner city: from compelled childhood sexual contact to sex-for-things exchanges. Journal of Child Sexual Abuse, 12(2), 73-96.

Edwards, V. J., Holden, G. W., Felitti, V. J. and Anda, R. F. (2003). Relationship between multiple forms of childhood maltreatment and adult mental health in community respondents: Results from the Adverse Childhood Experiences study. American Journal of Psychiatry, 160(8), 1453-1460.

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Finkelhor, D. and Jones, L. (2006). Why have child maltreatment and child victimization declined? Journal of Social Issues, 62(4), 685-716.

Huertas, R. (2011). En torno a la construcción social de la locura. Ian Hacking y la historia cultural de la psiquiatría [About the social construction of madness. Ian Hacking and the cultural history of psychiatry]. Revista Española de Neuropsiquiatría, 31(111), 437-456.

Hurley, H. (1991). Women, alcohol and incest: An analytical review. Journal of Studies on Alcohol, 52(3), 253-268.

Ibaceta, F. (2007). Agresión sexual en la infancia y Viaje al Futuro: Clínica y psicoterapia en la edad adulta[Sexual aggression in childhood and Journey to the Future: Clinical and psychotherapy in adulthood]. Terapia Psicológica, 25(2), 189-198.

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Jerez, S. (1997). Factores de riesgo psicológico en el trastorno límite de la personalidad [Psychological risk factors in borderline personality treatment]. Revista Chilena de Neuropsiquiatría, 35, 571-577.

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Llopis, J., Castillo, A., Rebollida, M. and Stocco, P. (2005). Uso de drogas y violencia de género en mujeres adictas en Europa. Claves para su comprensión e intervención [Women drug abuse in Europe: Gender identity. Keys to its comprehension and intervention]. Revista del Instituto de Investigación en Drogodependencias, 5(2), 137-145.

López, F. (1997). Abuso sexual. Un problema desconocido [Sex abuse. An unknown problem]. In J. Casado, J. Díaz and C. Martínez (Comp.), Niños maltratados [Abused children]. Madrid: Díaz de Santos.

López, F. (1994). Los abusos sexuales de menores. Lo que recuerdan los adultos [Sexual abuse of minors. What adults remember]. Madrid: Ministerio de Asuntos Sociales.

López, F., Carpintero, E., Hernández, A., Martín, M. J. and Fuertes, A. (1995). Prevalencia y consecuencias del abuso sexual al menor en España [Prevalence and consequences of sexual abuse of minors in Spain]. Child Abuse and Neglect, 19(9), 1039-1050.

López, F.and del Campo, A. (1999). Prevención de abusos sexuales a menores. Guía para padres y educadores [Prevention of sexual abuse of minors. Guidelines for parents and educators]. Salamanca: Amarú ediciones.

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Pereda, N. (2010). Consecuencias psicológicas a largo plazo del abuso sexual infantil [Long-term psychological consequences of child sexual abuse. Papeles del Psicólogo, 31(2), 191-201.

Pereda, N., Guilera, G., Forns, M. and Gómez-Benito, J. (2009). The prevalence of child sexual abuse in community and students samples: A meta-analysis. Clinical Psycholology Review, 29, 328-338.

Pérez, F. y Martín, I. (2007). Nuevas adicciones ¿adicciones nuevas? [New addictions. New addictions?] Guadalajara: Intermedio ediciones.

Pérez, F., Lara, F. and González, M. (2010). Abuso sexual, prostitución y dependencia afectiva en drogodependientes [Sexual abuse, prostitution and affective dependence in drug addicts]. Revista Española de Drogodependencias, 35(3), 365-278.

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